Jordan Times
Friday-Saturday, March 31-April 1, 2000
Without rule of law, Jordan can never evolve — Masri
The following is a translation of a lecture by former Prime Minister Taher Masri entitled “The Political Life in Jordan — Future Prospects'' delivered at Abdul Hamid Shuman Cultural Centre in Amman on March 27, 2000.
Two things I consider important in my life: My friendships and my openness. Should I be forced to choose between them, I would opt for openness because, in my view, it helps protect my friendships.
This lecture explores the present in the past, but it does not seek to help one understand the present from the view of the past.
It is given to mark the first anniversary of the new regime — an occasion to express the aspiration towards building a future based on the fulfilment of justice and the building of the modern state and a democratic civic society. This is a golden opportunity for the new regime to save Jordan and the Jordanian people from a situation forced upon us, towards the end of the past century, drawing us away from influencing events in the region and leaving our future in the balance. This is a chance to reshape Jordanian society, its concepts and administration.
The world around us is changing, advancing and time is short. Therefore, there is no alternative but to open up our minds, decide on measures for genuine change, and conduct socio-economic political and administrative reform based on logic and realism. No economic reform can succeed without social, administrative and political reform.
Reports about a summit meeting between the U.S. and the Syrian President indicate that no agreement has been reached for the resumption of Syrian-Israeli negotiations in the near future. The reports said that deep rooted differences still mark the positions of the two sides.
Should these differences persist, their consequences will be very serious indeed, because the situation in the region will be further complicated, in view of Israel's recent announcement to pull out its forces from Lebanon in July.
The complications are bound to cast a dark pall on the region's political situation affecting all parties to the Arab-Israeli conflict. It has become clear that any attempt to separate the Syrian from the Lebanese track is bound to end in failure.
In the light of these developments it will be difficult to predict the course of events in the coming months. But I dare to say that this failure is bound to prevent Israel from achieving its ends: To reach peace with Syria and Lebanon. Israel seeks a peace treaty with the two countries because it hopes to end an era marked by Arab Israeli conflict so that it can accomplish what it has sought since 1967 and embark on a new phase for which it has made ample preparations. Israel's objectives from the June 1967 war were:
A. to ensure secure and recognised borders with its immediate Arab neighbours.
B. to ensure Arab recognition, most importantly from the representatives of the Palestinian people through the conclusion of official peace treaties. To some extent Israel has achieved this goal.
c. to retain as much as possible of Palestinian territory under its control, directly or indirectly.
By concluding peace treaties with the Arab states, Israel believes it has secured its position in the region, but at the same time its position vis a vis the Palestinians is still outstanding, pending the conclusion of an agreement which serves its purposes.
The Jewish dogma and the Zionist programme both teach and claim that all of Palestine constitutes the state of Israel, the promised land. Nothing has changed Israel's dogma. Israel's next stage aims at annexing the remaining Palestinian territories, and the core of its programme is to get rid of the Palestinian population, particularly the population in the West Bank. Israel believes that Judaising is possible, but Judaising the Arab Palestinians is not. Therefore it needs to dispose of the Palestinians so as to retain the Jewish identity of the state. Israel's concept of political separation between the Jews and Arabs is in reality a preamble to achieve that objective.
It has become clear that Jewish leaders, applying the Zionist programme, possess the ability of long term planning and are able to diversify their methods and tools for executing these plans, taking advantage of differences plaguing the Arab countries and benefiting from the weaknesses of other parties while confident in their own potential. In the course of attaining their ends, these leaders have benefited from the formidable network set up by the Zionist movement around the world. This network has enabled these leaders to play the role of partners in the world's power centres especially in the U.S. in the fields of politics, finance, economy, media and technology. Aspects of such methdology and the results of the Zionist movement's activities over the past 100 years stand out today as facts on the ground.
On the other hand, Israel today is not in an ideal position despite its advances. Israel faces internal problems and questions which it can by no means overlook with regard to its future in the region and possible future conflicts.
Internal problems are bound to make of Israel's presence a long term crisis. Israel's basic entity is of a religious nature, but it is beset by internal national and secular contradictions, and so the explosive elements lie within that entity. Israel's dilemma lies in the fact that it's legitimacy is viewed by part of its citizens as emanating from its religious affiliation while the other part believes that it is a state based on democratic institutions. Should it's religious character have the upper hand as the religious groups demand, then the image of democracy will be erased. But if the secular groups prevail with their democratic principles the religious identity will disappear. Either way, and despite the fact that Israel is affiliated to the Zionist project, the religious and secular groups view each other as trying to confiscate the legitimacy of the state of Israel. This attitude is bound to deprive the state of the very idea of existence, because religion in Israel in the view of the religious groups, is a nationalist plan while for secular groups, democracy and democratic institution constitute the pillars of the nation.
This contradiction within Israel has assumed serious dimensions in the last parliamentary elections, almost on a par with the question of peace with Arabs. Israeli political and cultural leaders believe that an outright confrontation between the religious and the secular factions in Israel is drawing closer, a fact that has started to present itself in the media . Aspects of this conflict and internal polarisation have been manifest in the formation of political parties based on ethnic considerations like the Shas religious party, the third biggest party in Israel which draws its roots from those of Moroccan origins and the secular Russian immigrants party.
The immigrants are bound to leave their impression on Israeli society because nearly 20 per cent of them are not Jews and exercise their Christian rites and beliefs, albeit irregularly. In addition, many of the immigrants go to Israel to obtain a passport and later go to the U.S. where they can benefit from the numerous advantages normally granted to Israeli passport holders.
For its part, Jordan also faces challenges and issues in addition to the consequences of success or failures on the Lebanese, Syrian and the Palestinian tracks. All of these create internal problems.
Regional and international forces monitor Jordan's internal front. They realise the country's weak points and take them into consideration when the time arrives for action. Only a united and cohesive front can safeguard Jordan's entity and interests. Internal unity serves as the starting point for Jordan in its dealings with various events and developments. Any danger facing Jordan will not come from foreign occupation or armed conflict imposed from the outside. Danger to the country will emanate from the inside, from the accumulating crises, economic and political problems in addition to weaknesses in the social and national fabric. Danger also comes from retrogressive and isolationist concepts among certain Jordanian political and social groups as well the spread of social ills.
There is no doubt that the Jordanian political crisis is a manifestation of the retreat of the democratic experiment and the attempts to rebuild international relations as well as the failure to bring change to the institutions of society and the state.
The most impressive image of the crisis stems from the weakness and retreat of the work and activities of political parties and their affiliated institutions. The crisis of political life has become a reality and has expanded to various official and public institutions including the executive and the legislative authorities. The result is: absence of an official political stand.
What really was detrimental to the process of development and growth of political parties life in Jordan was the retreat of the democratic process as a whole, something which we describe as the crisis of the democratic experiment. It is a fact that does not need proof, and it was a wrong decision taken at the official level and adopted after the winds of change swept the whole world including our region.
As a result, Jordan has found itself dealing with a new reality, that is the consequence of the Gulf war as well as the political settlement and the agreements of Oslo and Wadi Araba and influenced by the terms of economic and political globalisation.
Having taken this option, the King's positive image resulting from his endeavours abroad, and his definition of our priorities appeared disproportionate with practices and policies on the domestic level.
Arab and foreign visitors to Jordan, including politicians and investors have discovered this contradiction. Contradiction has surfaced in comparing external policies and the policies exercised internally.
This situation has resulted in creating numerous imbalances, and rendered democratic concepts, pluralism and participation in governance totally void of meaning. It has become necessary to re-evaluate what has been achieved and to launch a rebellion of concepts .
I believe we have to carry out the following measures:
The starting point assumes a special importance in terms of thinking and political action in view of the serious influence on the strategic level of the nation's march to development. Perhaps it is for this reason that we find politicians exerting efforts in organising their priorities giving them their utmost attention on the assumption that accuracy in defining priorities to cater to the requirements of the given circumstances constitute guarantees for success in attaining one's objectives.
This is the reason for attributing importance to Jordan's starting point.
In my view, Jordan should urgently seek inter Arab economic integration — first with Syria, Lebanon and Palestine. This is a first step towards integration in other fields including political fields at a later and suitable stage. This way Jordan can evaluate and take the appropriate steps in the light of a political settlement which demands from Jordan to deal with all the countries of the region.
In addition, integration with Syria and Lebanon will give more strength to the Kingdom in the face of the Israeli onslaught.
The starting point will outline the route for the march leading to the achievement of national objectives which will positively affect Jordan's future and its sovereignty for decades to come. It is important for us to embark on efforts to coordinate our political, and security strategies to run at the same level as efforts being exerted by Israel and Turkey. Otherwise the new Middle East will affect the priority we give to our ties with the Arab world.
Integration has become urgent in view of the weakness of the Arab League and its institutions. Jordan is the main loser of isolationist policies and of linking its interests with distant nations. Jordan stands to make the largest gains and benefits out of its close integration with its neighbours in the greater Syria area . It is imperative on us to place the interests of Arab neighbouring countries as a top priority first at the economic level and later at the political level and to rebuild the structure of the Arab common market to pave the way for some kind of political unity. We ought to include Palestine in this formula at the appropriate and convenient time, after a final political Israeli-Palestinian agreement has emerged. I believe that unity among the “greater Syria” countries and Iraq is the right and most sound plan to achieve pan-Arab goals.
This objective is easier to achieve in the light of the expected political change in Syria. I do not believe that such a move will create any friction with other Arab states. Neither will such a move be considered an axis or a bloc versus other Arab states. The world around us is emerging in the form of economic blocs. It is also to be noted that alone, no state can satisfy the needs of its people. The dream of comprehensive Arab unity seems to be unattainable, and therefore the most logical and realistic solution lies in the integration of Arab states located in the same zone which will later lead to the creation of a more united regional Arab order.
There is a need for promoting and implementing constitutional principles which grant the council of ministers full jurisdiction to handle the state's affairs. One can see that the role of the council of ministers has retreated and the ministry portfolio has been transformed into any job, not a political status. Political decisions should remain in the hands of civic institutions. The terms of reference and authorities of officials and citizens have become numerous, and the decision making process, more often than not, does not take place inside the council of ministers. The main task of a government ministry has been relegated to dealing with issues within the ministry, with the minister playing the role of the most senior employee in his department. The secretary generals of ministries and their most senior officials have become the most eligible people to get a ministerial post. This does not mean that we should not seek the inclusion of technocrats, whose expertise is always needed . This is a call for ministries to exercise their constitutional authority in the true sense of the word. I call on all the government agencies to function under the umbrella of the council of ministers in order to carry out the state's policies and not vice versa. This lies at the core of the basic civic and democratic society in which we believe.
We have seen that the eligibility and the competence of the judicial system has become suspicion and subject for open debate. It has become commonplace to read or hear about senior judges airing serious criticisms, describing the judicial system as void of integrity and infested with corruption. Regardless of what is being said, we have started to hear negative criticisms of this important and basic pillar of the state, something which is bound to distort the image of justice for the public. The essence of the state of law lies in justice and should justice collapse the whole state will collapse too. If we seek to build a state of law we should first raise the standard and the efficiency of its institutions, with the judicial system assuming prime importance.
I will repeat something about which I have spoken at great length during the past year. The concept of the state.
Self interests are being served at the individual, tribal or regional levels which do not leave room for the expression of different points of view. The concept of the public perception has retreated, and people have become a tool to serve the government and not vice versa.
Such primitive dealings are bound to disintegrate society and weaken the national effort in general. This situation renders citizens prone to fear, suspicion and instability, which is the state of affairs we are witnessing at the moment. Under such circumstances, the enemies of Jordan can infiltrate the country and choose their moment. My criteria of measuring the sense of belonging to the nation stems from the concept and commitment on the part of citizens and people in responsible positions to the concepts of state.
It is in this atmosphere of major imbalances in the country that corruption has became rife. It is in such an atmosphere that opportunists have increased in number, that the public administration's productivity has fallen to these levels. Certain privileged people have been bragging about false patriotism and issuing empty slogans to cover up their personal interests. It is for this reason that the civic, economic, cultural, social and political institutions have weakened giving way to the emergence of bigotry and tribalism in Jordanian society.
A high living standard and freedom in any society is based on logic and not illusions, misconceptions and falsehoods. Sociology and the creation of nations as well as historic, geographic and psychological facts provide proof that the human settlements on the two banks of the River Jordan have always formed one people believing in a united destiny. This unity has throughout history proved itself at the historic, economic and cultural levels and is marked by a high level of indigenous character. It was not until the early l920s that independent political concepts started to emerge.
The divisions that occurred within the united settlements rendered it weak and helped in paving the ground for the establishment of Israel and the dissipation of efforts by forces that oppose the Zionist project. Citizens of TransJordan have always believed that Palestine is part of their country, and they have provided weapons and refuge to the freedom fighters. It is for this reason that the 1948 unity between what remained of Palestine and Jordan was established. This unity was the first mutiny against the Sykes Picot accords. It was an attempt to re-establish unity between the people on the two sides of the river.
Jordanian nationality was formed through the continued geographic and demographic contacts and close interests of people on both banks over the past generation. Unity has become a fact on the ground, which can not be denied.
No country in the world is free from differences in views among its various factions and social ranks. This is called pluralism.
A country's stability and prosperity depends to a large extent on the way in which the state handles its pluralistic affairs and enhances national unity.
It is to be regretted to see the administration of social pluralism marked by negative attitudes. The country has witnessed a policy of appointing employees in public positions on purely selfish or personal considerations over the past decades. This policy has, as a result, created a deep sense of disorientation, a feeling of absence of justice leading to economic imbalances and has sowed the seeds of dissent harming the very fabric of society. This policy reflects ill management on the part of the state, resulting in widespread corruption and the emergence of people openly bragging about their regional attitudes. This policy has become a weapon of conspiracy aimed at the disintegration of society on the part of those who do not harbour good intentions for the nation. In recent years, this policy has been transformed into a tool in the hands of those rejecting the settlement (of Palestinians) to use in objecting to their right of citizenship.
On the other hand, allowing all citizens regardless of their origin the right to participation and dialogue tends to provide protection for society. The concept of regionalism in this country has created two categories of citizens: free citizens on the one hand and citizens plagued by inherited or enforced complexes, exposed to illusions and deceptions on the other. Therefore, I am one of those who demand justice, equality, equal opportunities and the fair distribution of programmes of development to all governorates and all citizens. This is a national platform as it entails a national programme which seeks to cement the Jordanian people's unity and fulfil their ambitions.
Law and authority are essential elements for existence. The rule of law should represent the country's socio-economic and political trends. In order that the rule of law will be effective and complete, rulers and people should be subjected to the same laws. This is vital and something that nobody should tamper with. In addition, Jordan's size and limited natural resources, as well as the economic and political challenges it is facing, makes it necessary to focus on quality in order to ensure the country's economic growth and success. To achieve this goal, we should have a civic democratic society where all citizen are equal before the law including officials and civil servants as well as the institutions which execute the law. To achieve this, serious changes, the full implementation of laws and re-establishment of a balance and a sense of equality among large sectors of Jordanian people should be introduced and discrimination of any kind should disappear at all levels.
The task of implementing the principles of civic and democratic society are not easy, especially in official government circles. This is because over the years, centres of power based around self-interests have been establishing themselves and these centres of power will fiercely fight any attempt at reform. Success in such situations requires the introduction of a number of measures which enhance basic rules on which democratic society is based. The first measure to be taken is the introduction of a new elections law. We need a modern law that reflects the spirit of society and its different components to be based on a strong foundation of equality and justice and opens the way for the emergence of leaderships which represent different factions of Jordanian society.
It has also become necessary to revise the measures taken by the security authorities and the criteria which these authorities employ in dealing with security issues and members of the public. In my view, the security and political circumstances which called for the adoption of these measures in the past have now disappeared for good.
What makes this task relatively easy is the fact that these reforms will benefit and run in harmony with the aspired civic and democratic society which we are hoping to achieve. I am convinced that such developments will yield positive results benefiting all people and invigorating a sense of national belonging. National security draws its elements from the social concepts which can fulfil the requirements of justice, freedom and the right of participation.
Security concerns do not spring from political objectives but rather reflect social and economic pressures affecting society, which has been the case for years.
Danger is inherent where political life is void, civic institutions are weak, people's standard of living low, rates of poverty and unemployment rise. There is a growing conflict among social strata resulting from poor economic conditions and the emergence of calls for regionalism. These are all explosive elements pushing people to extremes and away from moderation and centrism. The state should realise all these dangers — it is important for the nation to adopt a concept of national security in its comprehensive sense, one that can help unite people and pool their institutions, political affiliations and social sectors. Such a security concept should be subject to the elements of democracy, political pluralism, justice and equality.
My views are not aimed at winning your full approval. These are proposals for a national stand aimed to win consensus by admitting and confronting the present deficiencies and divisions. Let us agree that a majority of the Jordanian people will benefit from change and development and from adopting the rule of law and upholding democracy. Those who oppose such change are a minority, though regrettably this minority has succeeded in protecting its interests, while people with legitimate rights are scattered. Those doing the country injustice persist in perpetuating this situation and encouraging divisions.
The time has come for unjustly treated people to form a wide national coalition representing Arab democratic and progressive concepts based on the principles and values of the national charter and on the values of justice, equality and the rule of law as well as the criteria of integrity, honesty and truth.
Let us join hands and forget our personal and individual interests, let us build a force that works for the interest of the nation and the future of our children. Let us place before our eyes the national goals because if the nation is faring well we will all be safe. Let us start a constructive national dialogue in which we will not exchange accusations nor hide behind empty slogans.
The time has come for us to place our views and our demands within the framework of an organised social framework which gains the support and the respect of society. Let us work towards ending negative forms of individual protests which can achieve no goal because these protests only exacerbate the feelings of despair and dependence on others, which in turn deepens the political vacuum leading to the practice of political and social violence.
We all are duty bound to air our views on national issues. We should raise our voices but should not allow certain elements to cast doubt over our true national affiliation and goals.
We have waited for so long to see a modern state governed by the rule of law. We hope to see the application of law which upholds people's dignity and protects them from abuse and exploitation from the forces of corruption.
We have to play our role in preparing and building a base for the future. This is a task that requires from us to be open to reform and modernisation and exert efforts for the benefit of future generations.
I hope this lecture will serve as an instigator of dialogue and provoke contributions towards finding solutions for the challenges and hardships we are facing today.