Jordan Times
Wednesday, December 22, 1999
King counting on younger
generation, Westernised elite to revive economy
By Rana Sabbagh-Gargour
AMMAN — His Majesty King Abdullah is counting on the majority younger Jordanians and a Westernised elite to continue “revolutionary” reforms needed to revive the recession-hit economy and to embrace the 21st century.
The 37-year-old Monarch, who ascended the Throne in February after the death of his father, the late King Hussein, has already endeared himself to the youth — over 60 per cent of the 4.8 million population — and to the mainly forward-looking business establishment.
They are on the same wavelength — they share his vision, urgency and action-oriented approach but remain a relatively untapped source of change in a country where reform has been much sought but slow in coming.
“His Majesty is preparing the ground for revolutionary change on all fronts to help Jordan cope with the third Millennium,” said Senator Fayez Tarawneh, a centrist politician and a former prime minister.
“This is very daring for a developing country, and he is aware of this,” he told the Jordan Times in an interview. “But he means business and he is determined to go all the way,” said Tarawneh, who headed Jordan's team in peace talks with Israel that culminated in the 1994 peace treaty.
Relying on a blend of Arab traditionalism and Western modernism, the King has defined a bold blueprint for social, economic, educational, judicial and administrative reform which will be implemented as early as next year.
“In societies like ours, change has to come from the top. It is not a grass roots movement,” said a lawmaker.
“The King (Hussein) has been the only tool of change for a long time... and it seems that this will continue with King Abdullah.”
The Monarch's short-, medium- and long-term reforms — some of them painful and politically sensitive — are vital for the future of a nation facing a $7.2 billion foreign debt, annual economic growth at between 1 and 2 per cent, falling living standards, and soaring joblessness and poverty.
The plan of action carries answers to worries raised by international financial consultancies which the King commissioned to look at the economy and to complaints he has heard from executives and businesspersons on a global tour he made to promote the Kingdom as an investment destination.
“Concepts are now well-rounded in his mind,” said a close confidant, speaking of the King's quick adaptation to a job he never expected. “He is now shifting from the thinking stage to the implementation stage,” he added.
“He wants to strengthen Jordan internally before it can play an active role both regionally and internationally.”
The King has relied on a blend of new and old faces to carefully craft his agenda — raising economics higher than politics but shifting strategic alliances vital for the survival of Jordan in a volatile region long hostage to uncertainty.
“He has encircled himself with young people who realise the challenges of modernity but are not lumbered with political liabilities or past failures,” said an experienced politician. “He also is in touch with some seasoned figures to ensure balance.”
The Monarch swiftly moved to repair Amman's ties with key Arab states like Syria, Libya and Kuwait while keeping warm ties with the West that were nurtured by King Hussein during his nearly 50-year rule.
And he struck another delicate balance — making Jordan less dependent on Israel to counter Amman's isolation in the region while establishing a role for himself in the peace process as an intermediary between Syria and Israel.
But at home, his youthful style and gradual shake up of the status quo in a patriarchal system is meeting some resistance: Entrenched bureaucracy, the old guard, vested interests and often official complicity.
“Reform is a very difficult process,” said Taher Masri, a liberal senator and a former prime minister. “You have to move in parallel on all tracks — social, political and economic — and you have to find the right formula,” he stressed.
“And the mentality of the civil service is not built to translate such ideas in a swift manner.”
Some politicians, officials and diplomats also caution against raising too much expectations. In the back of their minds is the much-heralded economic prosperity that failed to materialise after Jordan made peace with Israel.
“Resistance to change is expected,” said another inner circle politician.
“But at the end of the day his new policies will benefit the majority who are for the rule of law, for solidifying democracy, for safeguarding human rights, for applying justice on an equal and sound basis and for ending corruption, nepotism and a system of perks and privileges that have become routine.”
The King chose to start his reforms in his own backyard — the Royal Court.
Officials said budget cuts and belt tightening there have saved over $2 million.
Earlier this month, he asked the government to end the unpopular practice of waiving customs duty on more than 3,000 cars owned by individuals but registered in the name of the Royal Court to spread the message of equality and fairness.
And before that he won plaudits for showing up incognito at the unfriendly free trade zone, state-run hospitals and public departments where the citizens showered him with complaints of inefficiency, red-tape and nepotism.
He has scored points by visiting Palestinian refugee camps stressing on national unity and equality: Codewords for fairer treatment of the Palestinian majority that has for years complained of being underrepresented in the country's political, parliamentary and administrative life.
At the heart of the King's modernisation drive is a 20-member Economic Consultative Council he chose earlier this month to oversee the implementation of reforms.
At its first meeting on Tuesday, the council came up with a timetable for executing the various elements of its blueprint: speeding up privatisation, downsizing the government, introducing needed legislative changes and instructing public school first graders in English (as a second language) and computer skills.
The formation of the council, seen by some politicians as a shadow government, was greeted with mixed reactions.
Reformers welcomed its line-up — six officials and 14 accomplished young private sector figures who belong to the era of global economics and the Internet.
The more conservative circles of power, including some Cabinet ministers and other business representatives were angered at being excluded, questioned the professional merits of its members and the body's power and ability to affect change.
Others expressed concern that the council, chaired by the King, might ignore the social component of reform, a fear that was dismissed by a council member.
“Through this council, the King will hold everybody accountable and will broaden the decision-making process through a wider representation of all segments of society,” the council member said.
“He realises that the economy will not take off if there is no social cohesion in society and if people continue to feel excluded or suffer from injustice.”
Eight of the 20 members of the council are of Palestinian origin while the rest are ethnic “East Bankers” or Jordanians with roots in Syria and the Caucusus.
Liberals hope that economic openness and trade liberalisation will have a positive effect on the country's drive to widen democratic reforms launched in 1989 though the issue remains on the backburner, at least for now.
“Economic liberalisation will bring with it political liberalisation, leading to increased social justice and democracy,” said Adnan Abu Odeh, the King's political adviser.
But regional political developments will continue to have their effect on Jordan's delicate reforms and the country's ability to revive the economy.
“The fallout of the Middle East peace process is a big challenge,” said Masri.
And so is the status quo in Iraq, which enjoys popular sympathy in Amman and remains Jordan's largest trade partner and sole supplier of cheap oil.
The resumption of Syrian-Israeli peace talks earlier this month — after a four-year break — has fuelled optimism across the region that both foes could sign a deal within months. Peace with Lebanon will immediately follow.
But in Jordan, many politicians and diplomats remain in doubt whether a peace deal with the Palestinians will be attainable soon.
“The Palestinian cause and its effect on Jordan's internal situation will continue to affect King Abdullah as it did his father,” said one lawmaker.
Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and PLO leader Yasser Arafat have set themselves an ambitious goal of negotiating a framework accord on a final peace by mid-February, followed by a full treaty in September.
There, too, are wide differences to surmount — the fate of Jerusalem, the future of Jewish settlements on occupied land in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, Palestinian refugees and the nature and borders of a future Palestinian state.
All of these issues are of paramount importance to Jordan, which enjoys strong historic, demographic and economic links with the territory which it ruled from 1950 until losing it to Israel in the 1967 war.
In the past few months, King Abdullah took a series of moves to ease decades of tension with the Palestinians, telling Israel that East Jerusalem is occupied Palestinian land that should go back to the Palestinians.
And in an unprecedented and remarkable move, King Abdullah cracked down on the militant Palestinian Islamic group Hamas in Amman, closing their offices and sending four leaders abroad.
This move, which generated criticism from the influential Muslim Brotherhood, symbolised the increased correlation of strategic efforts between Israel, Jordan, the United States and Arafat's Palestinian National Authority.
Meanwhile, Amman has said it would do its utmost to defend its interests in other aspects of final status talks that are of greater importance to Jordan, notably refugees, water and border demarcation.
Ties with Egypt, often uneasy because of rivalry over regional roles and Middle East peace efforts, remain cool but cordial, diplomats say.
Peace between Israel and Syria will definitely strip Jordan's vocal Muslim-led opposition of arguments used against Jordan for breaking Arab ranks by signing a separate treaty with the Jewish state.
“When Syria signs the deal in return for comprehensive peace and full normalisation, the anti-normalisation camp on the Jordanian front will realise that they lost an opportunity of gaining from normalisation that was made available five years ago,” said Tarawneh.
“People will become more constructive and tension will ease.”