His Majesty King Abdullah II
His Majesty King
Abdullah's Remarks to the
British Parliament
November 7, 2006
Bismillah Al Rahman Al Rahim
My lords, members of the House, ladies and gentlemen,
I am greatly honoured to be with you today, and thank you all for your warm
welcome.
It has been almost exactly five years since I was last before you. We live in a
time of extraordinary change and great danger.
Violence continues in Afghanistan and Iraq. Terrorists have hit London, Amman,
Madrid, New York and other cities. The occupation and humanitarian crisis in
Palestine is ongoing. Lebanon needs the international community's full support
to rebuild and maintain its national unity.
We can work together for a world of law and progress — where our people live and
thrive in safety. We must choose carefully and remember that we — and our
children — have to live in the world that we create.
Nowhere are our choices more important than in the Middle East. My region plays
multiple strategic roles in 21st century security. It is the spiritual home of
three historic religions — two of which, Christianity and Islam, make up more
than half of the world’s people. We are Europe’s closest neighbours. Our people
have lived together for thousands of years. Together, we nurtured most of what
the world now views as civilisation and science. Our region has long been a
nexus of global trade, and is now, crucial for energy production.
Our region needs stability and peace, for our own sakes, and yours. Yet, in the
Middle East, the frequency and intensity of crises are increasing at an alarming
rate. This is occurring alongside other important changes in the regional
environment that are opening the doors to extremists and expansionist regional
actors.
Walking away from these challenges is not an option. Their impact extends to
every corner of the world. We must confront these dangers, think in new ways
about how peace and progress can be achieved — and act.
Let me speak first about the conflict in Iraq. The situation on the ground today
is untenable. Persistent hostilities have delayed economic and political
reconstruction. Sectarian violence and terrorism are driving the death toll
higher. Both of our countries have also sacrificed greatly. I do not need to
tell you how much Britain has given. Jordan has absorbed thousands escaping
conflict. And, as you know, from Iraq, terror was exported to our capital one
year ago.
Today, we should share the goal of restoring Iraq as a sovereign, secure and
unified nation… with a homegrown, democratic government that will respect the
rights of all communities… and a reconstructed infrastructure and economy that
can offer people freedom and hope. Without these, we will not enjoy lasting
stability.
We cannot attain that objective from a fragmented Iraq. Indeed, sectarian
division is likely to bring worse violence, both in the near-and in the
long-term. In a land weakened by division, the field would be open to extremists
seeking influence in the Middle East and beyond. Such a situation would raise
the potential for dangerous arms races and competition — threatening the region,
its neighbours and the world.
This means we cannot allow federalism to become a quick fix solution to a
complex problem. But we need renewed emphasis on nonmilitary initiatives to help
preserve Iraq's unity. Insecure areas cannot be stabilised by force. Such
stability comes only when all groups have confidence in a process that gives
them a voice, assures them justice, and provides for their security. We cannot
afford to miss a single political, economic, or diplomatic opening. An urgent
priority is reconciliation, so that leaders from the three major communities can
meet face to face, find common ground, and create homegrown, effective
solutions. The historic suffering of Kurds and Shiites must be acknowledged, as
must that of the Sunnis today. All Iraqis also need clear affirmation that the
new Iraq will respect their rights and security.
Finally, Iraq needs creative thinking about political and economic incentives
that give armed groups a reason to put down their arms and move into the
political process. Under the right conditions, some of them could be absorbed
into key state institutions.
The international community can play a significant role in devising creative
strategies towards the fulfillment of these goals. It is vital for the friends
of peace not to abandon Iraq to chaos. We in the region are deeply committed to
a sovereign Iraq, in charge of its own security and future. But for the world to
disengage when events are at a critical point would have serious unintended
consequences. It would discourage the thousands of Iraqis who face the daily
risks in building a new Iraq.
If there is any doubt about the risk of turning a blind eye to conflict in Iraq,
we need only consider the other major crisis in the region, the oldest active
conflict on the UN’s books. This conflict has destroyed lives for three
generations, fuelled global misunderstanding and division, and provided a
recruiting tool for terrorists worldwide. I refer of course to the continuing
denial of Palestinian rights, the core source of regional conflict.
Here again, the situation on the ground is at a critical stage. There has been
no effective political process between Palestinians and Israelis for five years.
The vision of the peace partners remains unfulfilled. In the absence of a
genuine move towards peace, people in our region are questioning the validity of
a peace process at all. Palestinian society is divided in an unprecedented
manner. On both sides, we hear calls for a settlement by force.
But force is a recipe for failure. As in Iraq, if it continues unchecked, we can
expect a situation that is far more radical and uncontrollable… and many more
years of violence before the parties get back to the peace tables, if ever.
The situation is not hopeless. But we must act. The Arab states understand this
well. In 2002, we announced a breakthrough peace proposal that offered a way to
reach both sides with what they want and need. Today, we are more determined to
support an effective process. My friends, this is an opening that must not be
ignored.
Now we need measurable progress towards a clear objective: Two secure states, at
peace with each other and the region. The Arab Peace Initiative promises
security guarantees for Israel… a sovereign, viable and independent Palestine…
and a process that would lead to a comprehensive settlement. It is the basis for
practical results: A clear endgame and an effective process that can reach it.
It is in full accord with international legality. It has the acceptance of all
Arab states and the Palestinians. I ask the international community to join us
in resolving this crisis once and for all.
My lords, honourable members,
Great Britain has an important international leadership role. Your country has a
special relationship with Jordanians, Palestinians and other Arabs, as well as
with Israel. You play a key role in the European Union and in transatlantic
relations. Your unique vantage point is a valuable asset that can be leveraged
to bring about a meeting of minds. And your leadership is needed today as never
before, to relight our vision for the future. Our fates are inseparably tied.
Our partnership is crucial. In years past, I have gone to coalition partners, as
an ally and a friend, to talk about the dangers of ignoring events in the Middle
East.
I urged friends not to accept the violent status quo in the Palestinian-Israeli
conflict. I spoke frankly and on the record about the dangerous consequences of
war in Iraq. Now I come to speak again, about the dangers of failing to achieve
peace in the Middle East — whether in Iraq or Palestine. As neighbours, as
partners, for the sake of our people, for peace and coexistence, we must find
another way, an effective way forward.
Thank you very much.