His Majesty King Abdullah II
Question & Answer Session
The National Press Club
Washington, DC
April 11, 2001
Following is the full transcription of the question and answer session following His Majesty King Abdullah's address to the National Press Club in Washington, DC :
Question: We have a number of questions here, three questions here that deal basically with what role you think the United States should play in the ongoing peace negotiations. As you know, the Bush administration appears to have taken a hands-off approach. And another questioner said that you said on PBS this week that the United States, as a superpower, is going to be involved in the Middle East whether it likes it or not, because of its superpower status. And did you discuss this situation with President Bush during your meetings yesterday?
King Abdullah: Thank you very much, sir.
I think we have to put the question in its real light. The American administration — there is an impression in our part of the world that America is not interested in pursuing peace or in really taking an interest in our part of the world. That's not true. We all know that. And I think that the present administration has taken a very mature view to try to deal with the problem.
There is a feeling that — and maybe to an extent they're correct — that during the past couple of months of the end of last year, that maybe both sides took the United States for granted.
So I believe that what the American administration is saying is that before we can stick our necks out, before we can commit ourselves yet again, we need to see that you two, that both sides are serious in moving in the right direction.
So I think to say "hands-off" is probably an unfair way of describing the situation. America understands the need to be very close to the region and to try and push the peace process forward. So I believe that what you're seeing is maybe a more behind-the-scenes attitude. And when, I hope, we can get both sides to sit down together, then America will take maybe more of an overt presence when it comes to the peace process.
What we have to understand about the Israeli-Palestinian process at this stage, we're not talking about peace negotiations, we're simply talking about de-escalating the violence.
We have to be encouraged with the meetings that have happened last week and will happen in the next couple of days between the two security groups, to try and find some confidence-building steps. Initial reports are very hopeful. We all have to help them build on those, and I hope in the near future we can find the atmosphere where both sides can sit together again around the peace table and discuss how to move forward.
Thank you.
Q. Well, as you know, sir, President Clinton was so actively involved in the peace negotiations. He put a lot at stake in that, and there doesn't seem to be quite that much emphasis right now. Do you sort of wish that there had been a different election here — result? (Laughter.)
A. What's your next question? (Laughter, applause.)
Again, there is, I think, the misperception when it comes to the peace process, I believe that people fear — that they look to Taba, that that was the last chance. That wasn't. That was part of the process, from Oslo to Camp David, to Sharm El Sheikh, to Taba, where the Israelis and Palestinians came closer and closer together to finding a final solution.
I think the perception was that there were two things that were happening very close to each other, after Taba, that made it look that Taba was the last straw: The departure of the Clinton administration and Israeli elections with the victory for Prime Minister Sharon. So I think the perception was that, okay, none of the players are around anymore. This is a process that has taken many, many years, and I think it's unfair and it's sad if we look at Taba as being the end of the peace negotiations. The paper was put out there, both sides came very, very close. We have to build on Taba, once we can get the violence down, once we can get both people to sit down around the table and negotiate, let's go back to the closest that they ever got and build from there.
So I think we have to be much clearer on the understanding of what actually happened. Taba was not the end, it was part of the process, and I think we have to remember that, and when both sides, I hope, sit together, I think they remember what happened in Taba and use that as a template to go forward.
Q. This is a similar type question, but asked in quite a different manner. It says, Your Majesty, when you attended Deerfield Academy in Massachusetts, you became renowned for your record- breaking, split-second pins of your opponents. (Laughter.) Obviously, talking about your wrestling championships. So in light of your preference for speed, do you find the slow pace of the Middle East peace process frustrating? (Laughter.) And I might say that this question was — the name was identified here, submitted by a Deerfield schoolmate, Mr Rod McDowell. (Laughter.)
A. Yes. I think all of us have been extremely frustrated. I am the type of person that wants everything done yesterday, and that doesn't only apply to the peace process and regional stability, but also economic reform. We've started the process, as the prime minister, I'm sure, can tell you from his own experience, you know, I tend to use this on a lot of people, to say, When are you going to be able to move and how quickly can you go?
I am an impatient man, but I think at the same time, when we talk of the peace process, there is no other alternative. I can't imagine how we will all live with the feeling that we're not going to move forward. At the beginning of a new millennium, we have the chance to show the world a new, fresh start to our region and maybe a symbol for the rest of the world. And it's inconceivable that you might get people in different camps who say, 'Well, it's not going to work. Let's wait for a while.' We can't afford the delay. The violence has been escalating over the past few months. If we don't do something about it, it's going to get worse, and if it gets worse, you're going to drive more people into it.
Q. Do you believe, Your Majesty, that Yasser Arafat is able now to suppress the violence in the West Bank and in the Middle East?
A. Sir, we've heard a lot of comments over the past several weeks by certain nations that Arafat has no control in the territories. I personally don't believe that's true. Yes, since the beginning of the Intifada obviously his influence has declined, because there is a cycle of violence, there is death and destruction on both sides that make it very difficult for him to be able to send a clear message to his people. I think he is in control, and I believe that what we have to remember, he is the symbol, he is the figurehead of the Palestinian people at the end of the day. But at the same time, because the violence has escalated, because things are getting worse, Arafat, to be able to improve the situation, needs to be able to give something to his people. When he says, 'I want to de- escalate,' those young commandos, those young people in the streets are going to say, 'Why? Give us an excuse. Give us something that we can build on.'
And so I hope that as the security negotiations start to improve, as we start to de-escalate, as there's a breathing space given to both sides to be able to take one step back, that will give Arafat much more manoeuvering room and give him something that he can give to his people [and say] 'We need to be able to do this differently because this is what I've been given.'
Q. You have such a strong feeling about how and why we should end the violence in there. And do you feel that your vision for peace is different from that of other leaders in the Middle East?
A. I don't think so at all. At the Arab summit, it depends how people wanted to look at the statement that came out of Amman with all the leaders of the Arab world whether the glass was half full or half empty.
Yes, there was some criticism on the violence done by the Israeli government towards the Palestinian people. But the second part of the message, and that's the important part of the message, is that the Arab countries, the leadership in the Arab world, wants the Israelis and Palestinians to resolve their differences and move ahead. The Arab world wants to have peace with Israel. And so I think this is what we have to build upon.
Q. This questioner notes that they understand that Israel is preventing the delivery of medicines for Palestinians by making trucks unload or reload supplies. And they want to know, has Jordan asked Israel to stop hindering the transportation of medical aid?
A. There have been difficulties from the start of the Intifada. Jordan's unique position of having relations with both countries to the point when discussions are made every now and then about bringing down the level of relationship between Jordan and Israel, it is President Arafat and the Palestinian people who would say, for God's sake, that relation is extremely important. It's because we have that relationship with both sides that we've been able to get medical supplies into the West Bank, that we've been able to get doctors and field hospitals to be able to avert tremendous crises that are happening on the ground.
There have been difficulties. There have been problems where medical supplies, where the wounded have been delayed in getting to the right treatment centres, which has, obviously, escalated the risk of survivability of some of the injured.
Q. Would you describe for us, please, how you view Syria's role in the peace process?
A. Well, again, I've said this for a while, President Bashar is a man who wants to move his country into the global economy, he wants to improve — get his people back on their feet. He does want to move ahead with peace and stability for the area. The problem we face at the moment, the main crisis, is that of the Intifada and the problems between the Palestinians and Israelis, and until that is resolved, or at least de-escalated, it's very difficult for Syria to be able to move in that direction.
President Bashar has a vision for his country, a good vision for his country.
Here is a young man who wants to be able to give a chance to the people to, as we do and say in Jordan, put food on the table, to improve the social standings of his country. And he's working very hard to be able to do that.
And I believe it's incumbent on all of us to be able to stand by Bashar and give him all the support that we can. He has the vision. He has the ideas. He has tremendous challenges ahead of him. He's got a long way to go with regulations and laws, with being able to adapt the economy to be much more open. And I think it's of vital interest to all of us, including the United States, to support him in his endeavours.
Q. Yet this one question notes that the Syrian president made a belligerent speech at the Amman summit, and wondered if you might comment on that.
A. Well, I think, when you come to the Arab summit, every country has its own views of things. And sometimes the positions of the peace process — you have to understand the frustration that has been felt over the past three or four months. Arabs on a daily basis see Palestinians being killed in the streets. And I know that the violence is going both ways, but we're faced with over 450 Palestinians dead, thousands of them wounded, and it does create a sense of frustration in the Arab street, and I think that sometimes that reflects in the statements that the Arab leaders have [made] or the positions [they took] when they came to the Arab summit.
But again, I think we need to look at the glass as being half full and that all the Arab countries were calling for the peace process to resume as quickly as possible between the Palestinians and Israelis, and to have peace with Israel and have Israel included as part of the neighbourhood.
Q. Do you think that — has Mr Arafat sufficiently prepared the Palestinian people for what — the sacrifices that will have to be made if a peace agreement is finally reached?
A. I think so, sir. The Palestinians better than anybody understand what's at stake. And again, I think there's a sense of tremendous frustration, because we came — both sides came so close to resolving their difficulties. And I think that the Palestinian people are willing to sacrifice to be able to have their rights returned to them and to be able to live in peace and prosperity.
Q. Talking a little bit about Iraq and the sanctions — I know that's something that you feel very deeply about — did you speak with President Bush about that? And what do you think might be the result for the sanction question?
A. Well, sir, there is — again, at the Arab summit, there was a great sense, a feeling, between the Arab countries that we need to find a mechanism that relieves the suffering of Iraq and the Iraqi people. And we had hoped to resolve that issue at the Arab summit.
In our discussions, again, with our colleagues here, I think there is a genuine attempt to try and solve the problem.
And the American administration is working on a policy now that has a more open-minded approach to try and tackle the problem of the tremendous, deplorable state of living that the Iraqis are going through at this stage. We will see, I presume, the policy will come out in the very near future.
But I think the hearts are in the right places to try and find a solution as quickly as possible.
Q. How about trade? Trade is a big issue, of course, between the United States and Jordan, and are we moving ahead with the trade agreement? Republicans up on the Hill, I suspect, object to the labour and environmental questions in the pact. What do you think are the chances of a trade agreement?
A. I think, sir, the chance of an FTA with the United States is actually extremely good. We have tremendous support for the FTA, not only by the administration; by President Bush, who, in all his conversations with me even before I met him, I was very pleased that he actually started the conversation with, 'I know how important FTA is for you and how committed I am to making that happen.' Again, in Congress and with the Senate, both Republicans and Democrats were very, very sincere and very warm in their reception to have an FTA move as quickly as possible. There are some complications between the Democrats and Republicans, but I came away feeling that in their hearts, both sides want to see the FTA move as quickly as possible.
Q. Can you tell us what Jordan now exports to the United States?
A. Through the qualified industrial zones that we established in certain parts of the country, the main product line at the moment is textiles. I think the export was about $100 million.
And may I just at this point to get a break from the questions. We are at crossroads in the Middle East and I want to be able to throw a challenge out to our friends here in the United States. If you looked at American foreign policy in 1945, when the Second World War was over, due to the problems between East and West, there was a long-term outlook on how to solve the problems of Europe in a way, a great American, General Marshall, came up with what was called the Marshall Plan that rebuilt Western Europe because there was a problem with the East. The map ran pretty much from North to South. But over many decades, you managed to bring the Europeans together, you managed to make them look to the future, you managed to bridge the gap between those that have and those that have not, to the point that people sitting over the other side of the fence, the old saying that 'the grass is greener on the other side' was actually true, and as a result, you won the game.
I believe that we're at that crossroads in the Middle East. There are many young countries that are striving to globalise their economies, to move in the right direction, to increase social freedoms, to be able to give education a tool to everybody to be able to better their lives. We're at that crossroads now. You were successful, you made it work in Europe. I was wondering, could that be possible in our part of the world? I'm not talking about assistance or aid, I'm talking about supporting young countries that understand the message of the way the globe — or the world is going, the globalisation of the economies. Invest in us to be successful, invest in us in support and in spirit, because there are a lot of people looking at what is happening in Jordan, what I hope is going to happen in Syria, what's happening in Morocco, what's happening in Bahrain. If we succeed, then many people in the Middle East will say the grass is greener on the other side.
There's a tremendous burden on our shoulders to get it right the first time round; if we don't get it right, then those who want to live in the past will be able to say, 'See, they don't know what they're doing. This is not the right way of going.' And therefore, we'll be marking time for the next couple of decades.
You made it work in Europe. Work with us to try to make it work in the Middle East. You did have a long-term policy in Western Europe. I just hope that there will be leaders here in the United States who can look at our part of the world, which is so significant for stability and for future prosperity of the whole area, see how you could make it work, come up with a long-term plan that gives us hope, not only the countries that are moving in the right direction, but the people living in countries that are really marking time at this moment.
Q. Given the importance of travel and tourism to the economy of Jordan, what would you say to the people about the safety and security for tourists who might want to come and visit your country?
A. A lot safer than living in Washington, I think, sir. (Laughter.) (Applause.) Jordan has always been known to be a very stable and free country. I wish — I don't know if our American ambassador, William Burns, is in the room, but instead of me answering that question, if he's here I'm sure that he'd stand up and say, 'Please come to Jordan. It's safe and you'll have a wonderful time in that wonderful country.' (Applause.)
Q. We're getting closer. Given the unease over events in the West Bank and Gaza, and the effect on your economy, are you inclined to postpone the parliamentary elections that were scheduled later this year?
A. Obviously, I think that the democratic process needs to take its course. This is very, very important for Jordan. There is no doubt that the instability and insecurity of the area does cause some concerns. My main concern is to make sure that elections are, at least on my watch, and I know that this has been done before, but I want to guarantee that it is transparent and fair.
And that takes a bit of homework and a bit of groundwork to be able to make sure that we can bring that about.
There is — looking at amendments of the law to make the election process, I think, more modern at the parliamentary level, I hope that they can resolve this problem. If not, we're going to have to go back to the drawing board.
But yes, we're committed to parliamentary elections as quickly as possible.
Q. Given the message you delivered just a few moments ago, do you think that the United States press is covering the situation adequately and accurately?
A. I presume you mean about the peace process.
Q. That's correct.
A. I think you have to understand that with the Internet and the television, the whole world watches each other. And we do watch — many, many countries in the Middle East are tuned to all your newspapers and all your television broadcasts.
I think, from some of the comments that I have heard in our part of the world, that there is not a balanced approach to the coverage of the problems there. At the end of the day, you are the press and you are the reporters; you know how balanced the statements are. It's not for me to pass judgement. But there is the feeling in our part of the world that the reporting is a bit biased.
Q. You've sort of made news when you've assumed a variety of identities in Jordan. As I understand it, you've disguised yourself as a taxi driver, a bureaucrat, and other occupations, to meet the subjects, the people of Jordan. Can you tell us — this question has actually two questions here. What was your favourite disguise? How effective were these outings, and would you advise other kings, monarchs, to follow your example? (Laughter.)
A. I'm not going to tell you what my favourite disguise was, because people are out there to try — you know, we go out every month or so, when I hear that there's an area to be investigated, and it takes a life of its own. It's a bit like sighting Elvis. (Laughter.) The people think that they see me all over the place in different disguises. There's a story of a government tomato processing plant that helps the farmers in the north get their tomatoes processed as quickly as possible.
Well, that particular day there was a line of about 60 trucks, and most of the drivers had been waiting at the main gate for hours on end, and the civil servants there were not really being very helpful or very sympathetic.
And I don't know whether somebody thought they'd seen me or there was somebody who used a very ingenious way of doing it, but as he pulled up to the gate he said, 'I think the King is driving the truck behind me — or one of the trucks behind me in a disguise.' (Laughter.) Well, the gate opened very quickly, and the farmers were processed in about 45 minutes. (Laughter.)
So that was the main message of getting out there, not only getting to know what the problems were, but to send a blunt message to people that you are responsible. I think there was a saying in Jordan that if a civil servant thinks that the guy in front of him with a beard, or whatever he was wearing, might be the King, then he treats everybody as if he was the King. And I think that was the message to the civil servants. And I think for the most part, people got that.
I still use it because it's a good way of getting around. The security are much more low-key because they realise to make this work that there are going to have to be a lot less of them, and so it gives me a chance to get out. I haven't driven a taxi for a long time. That was kind of fun. (Laughter.)
But it is a tool and one that gives you a chance to interact with people where they feel much more relaxed. But I think we also built a reputation of wanting to know what the problems are. I spend more of my time now going to the rural areas and the poor villages where I sit down with the people and find out what their problems are. And for general, people want to say the right thing, they want to be constructive in their advice so that they can help me to make their lives better. It's a good relationship and one that I continue to move — or to try and aspire to.
Disguises happen every now and then, and we'll continue to try and keep people on their toes. Sometimes the government starts to sweat a little bit — (laughter) — but I think it's a — it's part of a team. We want to solve the problems of Jordan, and sometimes if you feel that people are not going to tell you the truth, then there's other ways of doing it.
Q. Well, before asking the last question, I have something here for you. I would like to present you, Your Majesty, with a certificate of appreciation from the National Press Club for your appearance here today.
I hope this is the first of many. And a National Press Club mug that can go on the wall someplace — (laughter).
A. Oh, yes.
Q. Your father, I think, had six of those. (Applause.)
And the last question; actually, I'd like to make this — there's two questions here that maybe you could answer. One asks, perhaps the best advice you received from your father. And, maybe lastly, can you tell us what is your favourite Arabic saying and/or blessing? (Scattered laughter.)
A. My father's attitude to life was that you always had to take the high road. Those of you who have ever met His Majesty know how he was so much larger than life. He looked at things in a way that most of us would ever hope to be able to look at. He had, I think, a very strong attitude towards God and religion, and he was the type of man that, I think, whatever the challenges, whatever the problems were in his life, always slept well at night because I think he always went out of his way to do the right thing. I think that's what we all learned, not just members of the family.
I think to everybody in Jordan, he was larger than life to all of us because he raised himself above all the pettiness that sometimes happens in societies and in regions. And unlike anybody I've ever known, he didn't want the best just for himself or his family or his country; he wanted the best for everybody. Those are pretty high standards to live up to; one that not only I try to aspire to and hope to make him proud, but I think Jordanians in general feel that he set a standard for all of us. And that's why you're seeing Jordan move the way it's moving, because that message, his legacy, what he wanted for his country, we understand that message. We know what he wanted, and I think not only I but I think my family and Jordanians, in the long run, in their hearts, I think want to make His Majesty very proud of the way that we're heading.
Any sayings or, I think — I'll throw it back the other way. What I don't like to hear, and what is the most unpopular thing that comes to my ears is when somebody says 'It can't be done.' That used to drive me crazy when I was a soldier and it's been driving me crazy when I've been in the government, but I think people understand the message. It may be difficult, but anything can be done; if you have the right heart and you have the right commitment, no matter how difficult it is, you can make it.
And so when somebody says 'it can't be done,' I think that in the Jordanian vocabulary, I've noticed in the past year-and-a-half they don't use that statement very much.
We need to always think positively, and I know that we're going to make it. We've rebounded from a tremendously difficult situation. His Majesty, as I said, was Jordan. He was not only our King, he was the father to all of us, and I think that having that spirit and having that vision that His Majesty had is in our blood and, therefore, Jordan is going to make it, and Jordan is going to make its mark in the region and in the world because of what His Majesty taught us and what he left in our hearts.