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February 11, 2003
Panel Discussion
"Democratization Beyond Regional Crisis in the Middle East"

On February 11, 2003 the Embassy of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan held a panel discussion on "Democratization Beyond Regional Crisis in the Middle East". The Panel included experts in the field from the Middle East and the United States; Amy Hawthorne (Associate at Carnegie Endowment for International Peace), Dr. Michael Hudson (Director of the Center for Contemporary Arab Studies), Mr. Rami Khouri (Editor of the Daily Star), and Dr. Shibley Telhami (University of Maryland) who acted as moderator for the event.

Introduction

Democratization in the Middle East is a vital concern that must be addressed at this particular time given the vulnerability of the region and the challenges that lie ahead. Our societies are undergoing increasingly growing pressures due to both internal and external constraints hence creating new obstacles for economic development, civil society building and political reform. These constraints are deeply embedded in the reigning political structures of our countries, but are also found in the chronic structure of regional conflict. Democracy can no longer be a luxury but an indispensable necessity for the future development of the Arab world and the Arab peoples. However, is democratization possible beyond regional conflict? And if so, what are the necessary and most appropraite measures to be taken in the pursuit of democratization and liberalization?

Democracy delayed

When we speak of democracy in the Arab world, we must keep in mind that there are multiple factors that come into play; international, regional and domestic factors. One of the international factors that is sometimes seen to negatively influence the process of democratization is American involvement in the region. Democracy is regarded with cynicism in the Arab world when the United States is seen as its primary promoter.

As for the regional destabilizing factors, there are two main crisis that determine the shape and form of democracy in the Arab world today; the first being, the Intifada and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the second being the Iraqi crisis and the anticipation of war.

The Intifada and the unflagging occupation of the Palestinian territories has left the region in a permanent state of frustration and dismay. Images of violence and bloodshed that Arabs witness everyday exacerbates the tensions between the people and the state, creating discontent, a sense of hopelessness and frustration. Further, this discontent is creating a remarkable convergence between Arab nationalism and Islamism, which substitutes the need for democracy for many groups. The Arabic streets have been severely shaken by events in the Palestinian territories, however, the banners are not calling for reform or liberalization, but rather for victory in the name of God.

As for Iraq and in contrast to the predominant view in Washington, many in the Middle East, as well as in North America believe that the effects of the war will be largely devastating, at least in the short term. The horrors of war will regenerate anger and discontent in the Arab world as people become mere spectators, with no say in the their own future. If the outcome of a war on Iraq is chaos and further instability, it will not offer a model for success for others to follow in the region and the US will be held responsible for a new case of dramatic failure. In the long term, however and depending on the outcome, the war could possibly generate a call for democracy in the region. Iraq will surely be the litmus test for US involvement in the Arab World beyond conflict and war towards peace and democracy.

The third set of factors that hinder the process of democratization in the Arab world fall in the domestic structure of the Arab states. Firstly, the Arab world today remains strongly authoritarian and is quintessentially antithetical to democracy. Secondly, the growth of radical political Islam coupled with non-ideological forces such as tribalism and the patriarchal political culture in society and state have derailed the evolution of democracy. The majority of the Arab peoples find material and psychological comfort in the prevalent religious groups and organizations. Their needs are met by religion, mainly Islam, as well as tribal affiliations. Therefore, there is no overwhelmingly vocal sentiment calling for political inclusion, freedom of expression or an enhanced civil society. Moreover, whenever democratic processes blossom, Islamist and tribal forces dominate the outcome, which in turn reflects the sentiments and political orientation of Arab citizens.

Thirdly, the politics of economic reform and structural adjustment, together with the novel trend of economic and political privatization, have had negative repercussions on political and social reform. Despite the general benefits these economic reforms have offered, there were no marked improvements in the life of the average Arab citizen. Moreover, the oil dominated rentier nature of most economies in the Arab world proved a to be a hindrance for democracy.

Lastly, the lack of democracy in the Arab World could be attributed to a sense of passivity among its citizens. The Arab Street has not been as vocal about democracy, as it is expected to be. People are more concerned with their economic well-being and as long as they feel comfortable under the current system they feel there is no compelling need for democratization.

Democracy: a magical remedy?

Finding a suitable democratic model that would fit the Arab world is a serious challenge today. Democracy cannot be presented to the Arab people as a magical solution.

Firstly, Democratization processes must be reconsidered to fit the Arab model within the context of regional conflict there is no such thing possible as "democratization beyond regional conflict" in the Arab World. Democracy must be revisited and ‘arabized’ before it is presented to the people.

Secondly, one must listen to what the Arabs are saying in order to create and promote appropriate cultural institutions and encourage pluralism, diversity and tolerance. The Arab states must also encourage political participation and dissent and establish the rule of law on which human rights mechanisms could be based.

Thirdly, the United States for its part needs to study the region carefully and keep in mind that there are no short-cuts to democratic transition and that a war on Iraq is not the key to democracy. The Arab world in the post-Iraq period will be very fragile and there will be ambivalence for democracy, making the US role more complex. The current dialogue between the US and the Arab governments is important but insufficient because government policies in the Arab World are often seen by citizens as extensions of US politics.