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June
11, 2003
Leadership
will Determine the Roadmap's Fate
By
Rami G. Khouri
We will probably require several months
to learn if the two mini-summits that US President George Bush
attended last week in Sharm El Sheikh and Aqaba will push Arabs and
Israelis towards a negotiated, comprehensive peace or fizzle out as
initiatives that were driven more by romanticism than realism.
Keep your eye on three elements that
will prove crucial to the outcome: public opinion in Israel and
Palestine, the quality of leadership in both lands, and the role of
the US and other supporting external players. It is also important
today to separate the roadmap's goal of short-term resumption of
peace negotiations from the long-term outlines of a permanent peace
agreement. This phase is not about making peace, but rather about
reestablishing immediate, short-term mutual trust and the intent to
achieve a full peace accord some years down the road.
The Palestinian and Israeli publics
exhibit contradictory and offsetting sentiments: they are ravaged by
war, but willing to keep fighting; they desire a negotiated peace
accord based on adjacent sovereign states, but neither wants to make
the first move in that direction. We simply do not know if the war
fatigue among the Israeli and Palestinian publics is strong enough
to push them to pressure their leaders to make this peace process
succeed. My guess is that the fatigue on both sides is deep enough
to prompt both publics to give the roadmap a chance to succeed,
despite its many flaws. Operationally, this means that nobody
expects rapid movement towards a comprehensive peace accord, but
rather that small, incremental steps will prove crucial in the weeks
ahead.
Each side must get meaningful actions
from the other side: Israel wants to see the Palestinian government
rein in militants who attack Israelis, and the Palestinians want to
see Israel roll back its occupation and ease restrictions on
Palestinians. Both publics will support their leaderships in these
spheres if progress is significant, tangible and persistent; if
moves are superficial and episodic, public support will quickly
vanish, to be replaced again by long-term occupation, colonialism
and armed resistance.
The last 33 months of
Palestinian-Israeli low-intensity warfare have heightened both
sides' appreciation of what the other side wants and needs. This is
why the Palestinian prime minister speaks of ending the armed
resistance against Israel, and the Israeli prime minister speaks of
ending the occupation of Palestinians.
The leaders, however, have to decide
if they plan to lead their people into tough new negotiating
territory where concessions and compromises must be made, or if they
will simply follow their public opinions into the kingdom of
perpetual stalemate and warfare. The quality of leadership can make
an enormous difference. Decisive leadership for an honourable, fair
peace process will carry public opinion and defeat extremism if it
delivers to both peoples movement towards what they crave — a
normal life in their own secure, sovereign states.
We are likely to witness messy
political times inside Israel and Palestine, especially if the
leaderships decide to mobilise their majorities for a negotiated
peace and confront and control their minorities that opt for
colonial expansion by some in Israel or terror attacks against
civilians by some Palestinians.
Military force and iron fists will
not work. Only the mobilised and repeatedly affirmed political will
of the majority in Israel and Palestine can ultimately delegitimise
militant extremists and end the cycle of Israeli colonial occupation
and Palestinian armed resistance.
Here is where the role of the US and
other external parties comes into play. These parties can enhance
the prospects for success only if they act to strengthen and help
mobilise the majorities for a negotiated peace on both sides. If the
US, the EU, Russia, the Arab states, the UN and others clearly
condemn both Israeli colonial occupation and Palestinian terror
resistance tactics, Israeli and Palestinian public opinion will be
more likely to support the leaders' moves to implement the
“roadmap” and negotiate the birth of a viable Palestinian state.
A permanent, comprehensive peace
agreement is unlikely to be negotiated by the current Israeli
government whose right-wing, predatory ideological programme offers
the Palestinians limited statehood on about 40 per cent of the
occupied West Bank and Gaza. A different, more reasonable, Israeli
leadership will be required to negotiate permanent peace, but that
is for the future.
The new dynamic that defines the
situation today sees novel elements: a reengaged American
administration and the president's commitment to work for a
Palestinian state, Israeli and Palestinian leaders who speak
respectively of ending occupation and ending armed resistance,
public opinion on both sides that seeks a negotiated settlement, and
the globally backed “roadmap” that points a way out of the
current war cycle.
The critical link that will determine
success or failure in the coming months is the quality of leadership
among Palestinians and Israelis. Decisive leadership that elicits
tangible steps from either side can mobilise the other elements into
a powerful coalition for a just peace. Mediocre leadership that
panders to base fears will only perpetuate the pain that all now
suffer.
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